The Legitimacy of the Al Saud Family to Rule

by Max Dunn, Spring 2008

 

Introduction

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is in delicate balance. The legitimacy of the Al Saud family to rule Saudi Arabia is based on upholding the Saudi form of Islamic religion as well as insuring an economic safety net. While its social and human rights fall far below that of developed nations, its people are largely conservative and want to preserve the Kingdom’s traditions and culture. Thus King Abdullah must walk a fine line between instituting progressive reforms and upsetting the religious conservatives. 

Externally, there is not much of a significant threat to Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is militarily stronger than any of its neighbors, due in large part to its massive purchases of defense equipment from the U.S. as well as the protection that the U.S. military provides.

Internally, the threat is greater. There are Saudi-based groups that believe that the royal family is corrupt, immoral and not fit to rule - Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda being the foremost - and who aim to bring down the Al Saud ruling family. However, the royal family has a large internal security force, and along with many civil restrictions such as prohibitions on assembly and criticism of the government no terrorist attacks have been successful to date.

However, with rising oil prices the Kingdom should be able to continue its welfare state and provide economically for its people. In addition, the newly crowned King Abdullah is showing great skill in threading between reform and cultural conservatism. So the likelihood of a mass uprising internally is diminishing greatly. 

History of Saudi Arabia

In the early 1700s, Sheikh Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab called on Muslims to return to their original form of Islam. He was initially prosecuted but later found protection in Diriyah which was ruled by Muhammad bin Saud, a member of the prominent Al Saud family. A pact was made between Ibn Saud and Ibn Abdul Wahhab, by which Ibn Saud pledged to implement and enforce Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's teachings, while Ibn Saud and his family would remain the temporal imams ("leaders") of the movement.

By the early 1800s, the Al Saud family ruled most of the Arabian Peninsula. This alarmed the Ottoman Empire which sent its forces and conquered Diriyah. By 1824, the Al Saud regained control of central Arabia and again ruled the region from their new capital in Riyadh.  However, a period of unrest and tribal warfare began in 1865 and resulted in the Al Rashid family, with Ottoman support, extending its power over the Saudi state. 

In 1902, Abdul Aziz (also known as King Ibn Saud) gathered a large group of warriors and captured Riyadh. Abdul Aziz then embarked on a series of campaigns that consolidated his control. In 1926, succeeded in establishing his authority of most of the territory of modern Saudi Arabia.

Some if his most powerful supporters were the Ikhwan, the strictest, most zealous group within the Islamic Wahhabi sect. Once his power was secure, Abdul Aziz turned on these unruly Wahhabists, and after four bloody years, brought them under control. 

The present nation came into existence in 1932 when Abdul Aziz merged the Hadja and Jaijd realms and proclaimed the new realm the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 

At that time, the Kingdom was largely rural and followed centuries old practices as farmers and nomadic herders driving their sheep, goats and camels across the desert. The Kingdom was also extremely poor and its only real source of money came from the fees charged to Muslims on the annual pilgrimage to Mecca. By the time Abdul Aziz became king, the global depression had reduced the flow of pilgrims to a trickle, and the royal family was on the verge of bankruptcy. 

In 1933, the king granted oil exploration terms to Standard Oil of California for an area of forty thousand square miles in return for an immediate loan of £30,000 gold (about $1.56 million dollars in 2002 U.S. dollars), and an "annual rental" of £5,000 gold, an advance royalty of additional £50,000 gold ($2.6 million), plus an identical payment once oil had been discovered in commercial quantities, as well as ongoing royalties when the business expanded.

Oil was discovered in 1938 and by 1949 production was in full swing. 

King Abdul Aziz rarely met with world leaders, but a prominent meeting took place in 1945 when he secretly met with President Franklin Roosevelt. Whether they discussed oil is not known, but King Ibn Saud did express his alarm about setting up a Jewish homeland in Palestine once the war ended.

Demographics

Saudi Arabia has about 28 million people with 5.6 million of them being foreign nationals. Population has been growing at about 3% per year but recently has slowed down to below 2%.

More than 41% of the population is under 14 years old and another 18% is between 15-24 years old. This represents a fast growing labor force - about four percent a year so the Kingdom will need to produce 200,000 new jobs every year. 

While Saudi Arabia covers a large amount of land, over 80% of the population lives in 31 cities and Riyadh and Jeddah account for around 1/3 of the total population.

Government

The government of Saudi Arabia is a monarchy and bases its legitimacy in governance according to its interpretation of Islamic law (Shari'a) and the 1992 Basic Law.

The Basic Law adopted in 1992 states that Saudi Arabia is a monarchy ruled by the sons and grandsons of King Abdul Aziz Saud and that the Holy Koran is the constitution of the country. There are no political parties or national elections, but the king's powers are limited in that he must observe Shari'a and other Islamic traditions, retain consensus of the Saudi royal family, religious leaders (ulema), and other important elements of Saudi society.

Although it is certainly true that the Kingdom’s government is an authoritarian monarchy, it is more accurately described as patriarchal, rather than a tyrannical.

Saudi kings have gradually brought in a central government. Since 1953, there has been a Council of Ministers who are appointed by and responsible to the king, with the responsibility of providing advice on the formulation of general policy and to direct the activities of the growing bureaucracy. Laws are enacted by the resolution of the Counsel of Ministers with ratification of royal decree, and must be compatible with Shari'a.

In 1992 King Fahd established a national Consultative Council which consisted of appointed members who had advisory power to review and give advice on issues of public interest.

In 2005, Saudis voted in the country’s first municipal elections in more than 50 years. However, women and male members of the military were not permitted to vote. 

In November 2006, King Abdullah created the Allegiance Committee which will, when needed, select a crown prince to replace Prince Sultan.

However, Crown Prince Sultan is in his early 80s and there are indications that his health may not be good and there is no clear second-in-line to the throne. 

Internal Security

The Kingdom’s primary security concern is the protection of its oil fields, and this is the responsibility of the National Guard. Saudi Arabia is a large country of 2.2m sq km, much of it uninhabited or lightly inhabited desert. The oil facilities are concentrated in the Eastern Province along the Gulf.

While the National Guard theoretically falls under the control of the Minister of the Interior, in practice it is answerable only to King Abdullah. About 75% of the total listed personnel of 100,000 are active, uniformed guardsmen, and professionalism and capabilities have increased markedly in recent years.

Religion and Culture

Saudi Arabia practices Wahhabi Islam, which is an austere doctrine that requires strict observance of Muslim laws.

Mainstream Wahhabi preaching and thought rarely advocates the use of violence or terrorism with the only major exception being Saudi support for the Palestinian cause. However, there are darker undercurrents in Saudi religious practices that advocate religious hatred and help encourage terrorism. Also, some Saudi textbooks and religious books attack Christians and Jews and the practices of other Muslims.

Wahhabism has proved remarkably adaptable to change despite its fundamentalist basis. The adherence to the Shari’a law has not impeded modernization and change including establishing a modern banking and finance system as well as a stock market. The Kingdom subscribes to the Hanbali School of Islamic jurisprudence, which is strict on personal morality and criminal law while being liberal on economic and business issues.

Education

In the past, the Kingdom’s education system has not been particularly focused to equip youths with the skills necessary for participation in a modern, technical economy, but instead provided mostly liberal arts or Islamic studies degrees.

However, in a 2007 speech, King Abdullah said the country would continue to emphasize education and manpower training, in particular focusing on the specialization required by the labor market.

The 2008 budget has funding for 2,074 new schools, 7 technical institutes for girls and 16 vocational training centers.

Economy 

Saudi Arabia is an oil-based economy containing more than 20% of the worlds oil reserves. The oil sector accounts for about 75% of budget revenues, 45% of GDP and 90% of export earnings.

The Kingdom is essentially a welfare state with free or subsidized housing, education, healthcare and utilities. King Abdullah states this openly on the Ministry of Education site: “We have to wage battles to build an ideal welfare state where nobody is in want, a land of justice and moderation far removed from hatred and extremism.”

In the past, population growth outstripped GDP growth so that per capita income fell precipitously. Government finances were reaching a point where the high-level of subsidies and large amount of government jobs that people had come to expect could not longer be afforded. This would have been a severe threat to the regime as economic support is one of the pillars that the rule of the Saudi Royal family depends upon.

The unemployment rate of young Saudi males is very high, possibly up to 25%.

 In addition, a mere 5.8% of Saudi women aged 19 to 49 are involved with formal employment.

While much of the coverage of the Kingdom’s economy in the Western media, takes a very gloomy view, the economy has been remarkably resilient and government policy -making relatively robust.

The recent surge in the price of oil has greatly improved the Kingdom’s budget and economic outlook. Based conservatively on a price of $45 per barrel, a budget surplus of $10.7 billion is projected for 2008. In 2007, the surplus was $47.7 billion. The surplus in recent years has been used to pay down the government debt to manageable levels, while government spending growth has been restrained. However, inflation which has been essentially non-existent rose to 3.1% in 2007 and is projected to rise to 4.5% in 2008.

The transition to capitalism in the Kingdom has been marked by conflict with religious forces and social customs. For instance, business is constrained by the need to pray five times a day and also by the gender segregation of the workplace, which adds costs and impedes efficiency. However, most Saudis manage to reconcile these social and religious obligations with employment demands. The pattern of the working day is very different from most developed countries, but most of the work still gets done.

Human Rights

Citizens in Saudi Arabia have no legal means to change their government. Security forces and religious police (Mutaween) continue to arbitrarily arrest and detain people, abuse them and deny them outside communication. There are also reports of torture. 

Most trials are closed and defendants usually appear without representation. The government restricts and prohibits freedom of speech, the press, assembly, association, religion and movement. However, there are signs that the government is starting to tolerate a wider range of criticism and debate in the press concerning domestic issues. Other problems include discrimination and violence against women, discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, and strict limitations on worker's rights.

Although women in Saudi Arabia make up 70% of those enrolled in universities, women make up just 5% of the workforce. Shari’a law states that women are only allowed to work in the home. The only readily available jobs to women are in the education and health care fields. In 2004, the Saudi government passed Resolution 120 for expanding women's employment opportunities but implementation has been stalled.

Saudi Arabia is also the only country in the world where women are banned from driving on public roads.

 However, the ban may be lifted soon with certain conditions.

 King Abdullah said in an interview with ABC, aired October 14, 2005: "I am a firm believer in women's rights. Some day, women will be allowed to drive cars." Asked whether he plans to issue a royal decree permitting women to drive, King Abdullah replied: "I cannot do something that is unacceptable in the eyes of my people."

Women also continue to suffer largely unreported abuse at the hands of their husbands, fathers, and brothers. Violence against women has been widely tolerated by the community and abusers have rarely been prosecuted. Women who report rape face imprisonment and accusations of adultery.

 This is due in large part to the Saudi custom that a women’s testimony is not valid without the presence of a male guardian, who would often be the abuser himself.

 

 

Nonetheless change is occurring and human rights are improving, although slowly. For instance, in the much publicized case from March 2006 of the women and a male companion that were gang raped and then sentenced to 90 lashes for being alone in a car with an unmarried person of the opposite sex, King Abdullah pardoned them both citing his authority to overrule judgments not specifically prescribed by Islamic legal code. 

 

 

Discontent

 

Saudi citizens are generally more concerned with domestic issues than international issues or national security. While this is also true in most other countries, the opinion of many Saudis that their rulers are out of touch with the needs, demands and wishes of their people is a serious development since it strikes at the heart of the regimes legitimacy. Further, this feeling is increasingly based on the belief that the security policies are designed more for regime survival than to meet the countries real needs.

 

 

However, many of the issues that concern Saudi citizens are economic in nature and are improving. For instance, some of the top concerns are: economic difficulties, increased personal indebtedness, population growth and unemployment. Others, like strife over women’s roles, are topics that are being discussed and change is forthcoming.

 

 

Extremism

 

Extremism in Saudi Arabia is sometimes taught in mosques and schools. Columnist Abdallah bin Bajad Al-'Utaibi wrote in the Saudi daily Al-Riyadh:  "In our society there is [a type of] discourse that generates hatred wherever it is found. There are schoolteachers, imams in the mosques, preachers, and jurisprudents who do nothing but spread hatred and takfir in our society. The hate industry in our society operates in the open, directed by people whose names are known and who carry out their actions in public. They fill the hearts of the youth, who follow them blindly, with hostility and hatred towards many of the civil society institutions.”

 

 

Another Saudi writer said: “religious discourse has made the dissemination of hatred its priority.”

 One parent noted: “One day my daughter asked me: 'Is it true that the Jews are descended from apes?' I asked her: 'Who told you that?' She replied: 'The teacher'”  In another case: “A man asked an imam to help him persuade his son not to go fight in Iraq, and found out, to his surprise, that it was the imam who had convinced his son to go there in the first place.” 

 

 

Some discussion has started on preachers who use their pulpit in the mosques to sow enmity by reviving ethnic rivalry and that much religious discourse is rooted exclusively in the past heritage and that it must therefore be reformed.

 

 

Terrorism

 

In April of 2007, Saudi security forces arrested 172 militants that were said to be part of Al Qaeda and planning attacks on senior officials and government oil, military and security installations. The operation confiscated weapons that had been hidden in the desert for years, and the equivalent of $5.3 million. All the elements for the attacks were complete except for setting the execution date.

 

 

In 2006 Al Qaeda took responsibility for the unsuccessful attack on Abqaiq that nonetheless spooked the world oil markets.

 

 

Before the insurgency became serious in Iraq, extremist groups had generally avoided energy targets, or had not made them critical priorities. Since then, key Al Qaeda leaders such as Bin Laden have threatened attacks on oil facilities. On December 7, 

2005, a statement called on the “mujahideen to concentrate their attacks on Muslims’ stolen oil, from which most of the revenues go to the enemies of Islam while most of what they leave is seized by the thieves who rule our countries.” 

 

 

Ability To Cause Major Damage

 

In February, 2006 there was an attack against the Abqaiq oil facility. Two suicide bombers attempted to drive two cars packed with explosives into the Abqaiq compound. The first car slammed into the gates and exploded. The second car used the hole to enter the compound and was engaged at the second security tier (there were a total of three tiers) where it exploded. The second tier was about a mile away from the closest facility and there was yet a third security tier that was not breached. The explosions were largely outside the facility and impacted only the pumping and processing stations at an adjacent pipeline. However, if the attackers were not stopped and managed to storm the gate, they could have reached major facilities and the damage may have been more severe.

 

 

Reagan-era disaster planners have envisioned more devastating attacks on Abqaiq with severe damage to storage tanks and moderate damage to the stabilizing towers where petroleum is purged of sulfur. While most damage could be repaired quickly, the stabilizing towers are another story. If released, the hydrogen sulfide in the towers would react with moisture to create the acid sulfur dioxide. This acid would rapidly settle on surrounding pipes, valve fittings, flanges, connectors, pump stations, etc and begin eatings its way through everything. In addition, hydrogen sulfide is extremely poisonous and would likely kill the workers in the immediate area and the toxicity would deter the onset of repairs for months.

 

 

But because Saudi Arabia’s oil installations are so well guarded, there is only a small chance that agitators could pull off a spectacular attack that interrupted Saudi Arabia’s oil flow even for a short period of time.

 

 

In addition, while oil fields are large areas, damage from a car or a suicide bomb is limited to the vicinity of the attack, particularly given that there is much redundant infrastructure. While fires can be set in many areas of a working field, including at oil 

wells, fires do not produce critical or lasting damage. Unless wells are attacked with explosives deep enough in the wellhead to result in permanent damage to the well, most facilities can be repaired rapidly. Perhaps the weakest link in the Kingdom’s energy infrastructure is its estimated 11,092 miles of pipeline. It is impossible to protect all of this area, but short of a large attack that damages these pipelines at multiple points, the resulting damage can be repaired relatively quickly.

 

 

Fine Balance

 

Political dissatisfaction in the Kingdom derives from two opposites. On one side is the stubborn, arch-conservative, religious opposition that opposes changes to the traditional customs and the invading Westernization of the country, while also attacking the hypocrisy of the royal family. On the other side are the modernist, educated elements that seek not just economic but also political liberalization, including rule by law and some degree of open political participation and debate, as well as restrictions on the privileges of the royal family.

 

 

However, Saudi Arabia is one of the few countries in the world where the vast majority of politically conscious adult citizens are more conservative than a conservative regime. Even the most reform-minded people normally make Islamic values part of everything they do. This is not to say that Saudi Arabia does not have its "modernizers" - many Saudi citizens favor more rapid social change. Yet they also recognize that Saudi religious practices and traditions can evolve only slowly over time. 

 

 

Relationship with the U.S.

 

In many ways, the U.S. needs Saudi Arabia more than the other way around, not just as a major supplier of oil, but also as an ally and a supporter with political influence in an unstable region.

 

 

Likewise in order to survive, the Al Saud royal family needs the support of the U.S. However, this invites criticism from the conservative elements in the kingdom. 

 

 

Many Saudis were shocked to discover the role of 15 Saudis in the 9/11 attacks and the involvement of hundreds more in Al Qaeda. However, Saudis were also offended at the way that their country has been characterized in the U.S.

 As time goes on, it is likely that most Saudis will become more critical of the Western alliance.

 

 

One way the Kingdom can distance itself from the U.S. is to build stronger ties to other countries, in particular with China. Since China has a rapidly increasing need to import more oil, it could become a major buyer of Saudi oil which would reduce the power the U.S. has over the Kingdom as its most prominent customer.

 

An even more divisive issue is that of Palestine. There are deep passions about this subject on all levels of Saudi society, which dictates that the Kingdom’s support for the Palestinian cause will not abate. The longer the U.S silently or actively supports the Israeli position, the more the U.S. relation with Saudi Arabia, as well as the entire Arab world will be poisoned.

 

 

Conclusion

 

The legitimacy of the Al Saud family to rule the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia rests on two pillars: as upholders of the Saudi brand of Islam and as providers of economic support to the people. 

 

With oil prices high and likely to continue at that level, the Saudi government should be able to continue to support their welfare state and provide education, jobs and economic security to the Saudi people. 

 

The population in a large part appears to be fairly satisfied that King Abdullah is moving in the direction of modernizing Saudi society while respecting its religious and cultural heritage. The Kingdom is also cultivating deeper relationships with China and other countries, which is reducing its dependence on Western powers and this will help appease the large number of people that disapprove of the Kingdom’s relationship with the West.

 

The government is also working to tone down the inflammatory and xenophobic rhetoric that is sometimes heard in mosques and schools and that can lead to extremism and violence.

 

So while some conservative groups feel that the Al Saud ruling family is corrupt and unfit to rule, and while some will even go as far as to continue sporadic terrorist actions inside the Kingdom itself, the government and military are in a strong position to minimize the impact of these attacks and it is unlikely that there will be any mass uprising.

 

References

 

1 Twilight in the Desert - Matthew R. Simmons

2 Wikipedia: Saudi Arabia - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saudi_arabia

3 Ministry of Education: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: http://www.moe.gov.sa/openshare/englishcon/About-Saud/HistorySA.htm_cvt.html

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Saudi Energy Security: http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/060227_abqaiqattack.pdf

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Saudi Energy Security: http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/060227_abqaiqattack.pdf

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